In a parallel universe, thousands of virtual planets are home to cats and dogs. Each year, the top 10 most popular inhabitants are ranked based on their social connections.
Recently, concerns have emerged: Is this ranking system fair? Do certain factors—like species and color—create hidden inequalities, favoring some groups over others? Let’s explore how these layers shape the rankings.
On Planet Monos, there are
46 cats and
54 dogs. Dogs slightly outnumber cats, but more importantly, everyone prefers to interact with their own kind—a behavior called homophily.
Because of this, dogs form more connections than cats. As a result, 9 out of 10 top spots go to
dogs. Even with just a small numerical advantage, the majority benefits disproportionately.
Planet Duos has the same population—46 cats and 54 dogs—but adds a second dimension of diversity: color. With 68 white and 32 black inhabitants, white is the majority.
Inhabitants still prefer their own kind, but now interactions depend on both species (
cat or
dog) and color (
black or
white). For example, a white cat considers not only whether someone is a cat or a dog but also whether they share the same color.
This extra layer changes the rankings: all top spots now go to
white cats. The outcome is different from Monos, but the inequality persists across groups. Why?
Monos and Duos share the same species ratio and homophily levels. But Monos considers only species, while Duos considers both species and color. This difference shapes social networks, directly impact social ties—who gets more connections and, ultimately, who becomes more popular.
This shift in social ties—where cats move from a disadvantage to an advantage—illustrates the concept of simple intersectionality.
Despite their differences in rankings, both planets reveal a common theme: majority groups dominate.
On Monos, dogs take over the rankings. On Duos, dividing the population into four groups(![]()
![]()
![]()
) reveals a deeper divide.
Since
white cats are the largest group, they claim all the top spots, while
black cats, the smallest group, fall behind.
If we only compare species on Planet Duos, we may fail to recognize the unique disadvantage faced by
black cats, mistakenly assuming all cats are equally favored.
The surprising disadvantage of black cats, even when cats have more social ties than dogs overall, is an example of emergent intersectionality.
Duos always plays by the same rule: inhabitants prefer their own kind. The species and color ratios stay fixed, too.
Yet, somehow, the top 10 rankings shift across eras—once ruled by white dogs, now taken over by white cats. What’s behind the shift?
In era I, species and color are independent traits, meaning there’s no specific pattern linking them—for example, not all cats are black and not all dogs are white.
However, the overall species and color ratios still influence interactions: dogs, as the majority species, have an advantage over cats, and white inhabitants, regardless of species, rank higher than black ones.
In era II, species and color are closely aligned: most dogs are white, and most cats are black.
This creates a "majority within a majority" effect, where white dogs dominate the rankings, pushing the imbalance even further.
It shows how combining advantages can really boost one group while leaving others behind.
In era III, the alignment flips: most cats are white, and dogs are nearly equal in color.
Surprisingly, this reversal gives cats an overall advantage—they gain more connections than dogs.
Yet, black cats still don’t benefit. This shows how a "minority within the majority" can still face persistent inequality, even when the overall system and dynamics shift.
These planets and Duosian eras are just the beginning. Their stories raise bigger questions about how inequality emerges in diverse societies. What happens on planets with different population structure and homophily levels? Let’s explore more Duos-like systems to uncover hidden inequalities and understand their underlying dynamics.
Our choice of social ties depends on who we are: our gender, nationality, socioeconomic class, and more. These spontaneous preferences often go unnoticed, but they can unintentionally create inequalities. In particular, people in minority groups can end up with fewer connections—something that matters because social networks influence access to opportunities, support, and visibility. In this project, we built a mathematical model to understand how our multifaceted identities shape who we connect with—and what that means for inequality.
With our model, we simulate how individuals with different characteristics form social networks. But to make things more fun and accessible, let’s go back to our visualization example and imagine we’re simulating networks of cute animals instead of people.
Each animal is a node in the network, and each has two attributes: species (
cat or
dog) and color (
black or
white).
Each group—cats, dogs, black animals, and white animals—has a preference for connecting with others, represented by a number between 0 and 1 called homophily: the tendency to prefer similar others. A homophily of 1 means the group only connects with others from the same group; 0 means they only connect with those from a different group; and 0.5 means they’re indifferent.
To build a network, we simulate random encounters between pairs of animals. When two animals meet, they look at their characteristics and evaluate their homophily along each dimension (species and color). For each dimension, they “flip a biased coin” based on the homophily level. If all the coins land in favor, a connection is formed.
For example, if homophily is 0.8 in both dimensions, that means that when two animals of the same group meet, the coin has an 80% chance of landing in favor of the connection. If they are from different groups, the coin has only a 20% chance.
So, if a white cat meets a black cat, they toss two coins: one with 80% heads probability (they’re both cats) and another with 20% heads probability (they have different colors). A connection is only made if both coins land heads. The more identity dimensions matter, the more coins must be flipped, and the harder it becomes to form ties across differences. Conversely, if there is only one dimension (like on planet Monos), only one coin is flipped.
This process creates a network that reflects individual preferences. Once the network is built, we analyze how connected different groups are. We’re especially interested in how often members of minority groups—those making up less than half of the population—end up with fewer links than members of majority groups. In our simulations, we focus on cases where the minority in one dimension (say, color) is also numerically smaller than the minority in the other dimension (say, species). This way, we can isolate the effects of group size and identity structure without being biased by which dimension is labeled as “species” or “color”—since the model treats them symmetrically. It also helps us understand how different forms of underrepresentation interact to shape network inequalities.
Publication
Samuel Martin-Gutierrez et al. ,Intersectional inequalities in social ties.Sci. Adv.11,eadu9025(2025). DOI:10.1126/sciadv.adu9025
• Code for reproducing the results: Github
Samuel Martin-Gutierez, Mauritz N. Cartier van Dissel, Fariba Karimi. The hidden architecture of connections: How do multidimensional identities shape our social networks? arXiv:2406.17043
• Code for reproducing the results: Github
Credits